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A data story in 8 chapters

Can anyone still afford a home

A data story in 8 chapters, about 21 minutes to read. Every number below is rendered from the analysis manifest; none was typed.

The payment share of 2024 does not exceed 2023; the payment story is not yet the largest the window has seen. It sits +1.1 pts above 2006 (interval +1.0 pts to +1.3 pts), so the 2006 peak is passed, and the window's own peak is 2023.

Public data from the Federal Housing Finance Agency, the Census Bureau (American Community Survey, Building Permits Survey, Population Estimates), the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (HMDA), with mortgage rates from Freddie Mac under its terms of use. Metros are real and appear as they do in the public record; no household, borrower or address appears. The findings are a portfolio analysis, not financial advice, not a market forecast and not a fair lending finding.

Chapter 1

Affordable is a decision

The payment share of 2024 does not exceed 2023; the payment story is not yet the largest the window has seen. It sits +1.1 pts above 2006 (interval +1.0 pts to +1.3 pts), so the 2006 peak is passed, and the window's own peak is 2023.

Two numbers claim to measure the same thing. The first is the price of the median home divided by the median household income in the same metro. It is the number most stories lead with, and it moves slowly, because incomes and prices both compound. Across the 375 metropolitan areas in both the price index and the census release, weighted by owner households, the ratio stood at 4.8x in 2005 and 5.0x in 2024, a change of +3.4% over the whole span. The peak of the last cycle was 5.0x in 2006.

The second number is what the same home costs to carry: the monthly payment on a thirty year mortgage with 10% down at the rate of each quarter, twelve of them divided by the median income. That is the number a household lives with. It stood at 30.8% in 2005, fell for a decade as rates fell, and in 2024 it is 34.9% (interval 34.8% to 35.0%), against a government line of 30%.

Set the two side by side and the story of the last twenty years splits in half. The price story took two decades. The payment story happened between the first rate rise and the eighteen months that followed it. In 2024 the payment share sits +1.1 pts against the 2006 peak (interval +1.0 pts to +1.3 pts), and 283 of the 375 metros (75%) now sit above their own 2006 payment share. 161 metros (42%) sit above the 30% line for the median household. Affordable is a decision about which of these two numbers you let define the word.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan ac7975b9fb0c601f, registered before the estimate ran on real metros. the anchored index with the payment at the quarterly rate; 2000 Monte Carlo draws over the census margins of error, index held fixed. Split: no fitted parameter; the baseline years are 2005 to 2019 and the headline is the latest release. Family: one comparison, no correction. The level is the census median value in the anchor year 2019 moved by the regulator index; the anchor sensitivity table on the data page re-anchors every headline in 2015, 2017, 2019 and 2023 and the headline is stable across them. On the simulator with a planted self report bias, the anchored payment share recovers the truth with a mean bias of -0.02 pts and the self report correction a mean bias of -0.002.

What the housing economist would push back on

Self reported values run high or low by metro, and the anchor carries that bias into every year. The anchor sensitivity table shows what moving the anchor year does to the headline, and the self report check prints the census value over the transaction values in the loan extract for the same year; neither removes the bias, they bound it. The payment is principal and interest only, so a reader who adds taxes and insurance will find every share here understated by the same amount in every year.

The payment share of 2024 does not exceed 2023; the payment story is not yet the largest the window has seen. It sits +1.1 pts above 2006 (interval +1.0 pts to +1.3 pts), so the 2006 peak is passed, and the window's own peak is 2023.

Price to income and the payment share of income on the median home, owner weighted across metros, 2005 to 2024

The price story

median home over median income

3.6x3.8x4.0x4.2x4.4x4.6x4.8x5.0x2,0052,0102,0152,020yearprice to income

The payment story

share of median income

15%20%25%30%35%40%2,0052,0102,0152,020year30 percent linepayment share
283 of 375 metros sit above their 2006 payment share in 2024

real:fhfa+acs+pmms

Price to income: the median home as a multiple of the median income, every year the census reports one.

Chapter 2

The rate shock and the lock in

The rate part of the payment overtook the price part in 2023Q3. The rate shock froze turnover where owners had the most to lose: 0.06 fewer purchases per 100 owner households per point of lock in (interval -0.08 to -0.03), and the placebo on the years before the shock sits at 0.00 with an interval that includes zero.

Take the owner weighted median home as it was priced in 2019Q1 and ask what it costs to carry each quarter since. The payment was $1,316 a month at the start of the window. By 2026Q2 it was $2,704, a change of +$1,388. The chart splits that change exactly into two parts: what the price did, holding the rate at its starting level, and what the rate did, on the home as priced. The price part is the slow one. It built through the pandemic years and stands at +$839 in the latest quarter.

The rate part is the fast one. It was close to nothing while the thirty year rate sat near its lows, then it took over the chart in a few quarters. In the latest quarter the rate part is +$549, 40% of the whole change; it peaked at +$730 in 2023Q4.

The quarter the rate part overtook the price part was 2023Q3. That is the date of the payment story. The second half of this chapter asks what the shock did to the people who already owned. 18.4 million mortgages were originated in 2019 to 2021 at rates under 4.00%, and the lock in intensity is those loans per hundred owner households in each metro, from 10.7 at the tenth percentile to 36.6 at the ninetieth. Turnover, purchase originations per hundred owner households, fell from 5.28 in the base years to 3.71 after the shock. Regressed on the intensity with metro and year fixed effects, each point of lock in moved turnover by -0.056 (interval -0.077 to -0.034); the same regression on the two years before the shock, the placebo, gives +0.001 (interval -0.002 to +0.004). Between the tenth and ninetieth percentile metro that is -1.45 purchases per hundred owners.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan dc55265cae0a0e21. exact price and rate decomposition of the payment; turnover on lock in intensity with metro and year fixed effects on owner weighted cells; cluster robust by state, 86 clusters; event window 2019 to the latest quarter; base years 2018 and 2019; test years from 2023; headline and placebo reported separately. 1,549 metro by year cells over 388 metros. The threshold has its interior test on the shocks page: the headline under 3.0%, 3.5% and 4.0% is stable. On the simulator, where the lock in response is planted, the difference in differences recovers it with a mean bias of +0.0015 and 94% interval coverage.

What the housing economist would push back on

Lock in is measured from originations, so a metro where owners refinanced twice at the bottom counts each refinance; the measure is an intensity, not a count of owners, and the notebook keeps the version that counted refinances twice as a dead end. Turnover also fell because inventory fell, and a metro with little inventory sees fewer purchases whatever its owners hold; the placebo bounds the trend, it does not remove the mechanism.

The rate part of the payment overtook the price part in 2023Q3. The rate shock froze turnover where owners had the most to lose: 0.06 fewer purchases per 100 owner households per point of lock in (interval -0.08 to -0.03), and the placebo on the years before the shock sits at 0.00 with an interval that includes zero.

The monthly payment on the median home from 2019Q1: the part from the price and the part from the rate

dollars per month

$0+$200+$400+$600+$800+$1,0002019Q12020Q12021Q12022Q12023Q12024Q12025Q12026Q1quarter
rate part +$549 against price part +$839 in 2026Q2

real:hmda

The price part: what the payment would have done had the rate stayed where it was in 2019.

Chapter 3

The rent burden is a distribution, not a median

The median renter is burdened in 51% of metros in 2024, so the median hides nothing; the problem is the whole distribution, with 26.5% of renters paying half or more (interval 25.7% to 27.2%). The national series moved and stayed moved in 2009, 2015, 2021.

The census asks every renter what share of income the rent takes and publishes the answer in bands. The two lines that matter are the ones the government draws: cost burdened at 30% of income and severely burdened at 50%. Across the 392 metros in 2024, 52.5% of renter households with a computed share pay 30% or more (interval 51.5% to 53.5%). In 193 of those metros (49%) the median renter sits under the line. A story that reports the median rent against the median renter income can report either of those facts and miss the other.

The severe band is the one a median hides entirely. 26.5% of renter households pay half or more of their income in rent (interval 25.7% to 27.2%), against the 20% line this chapter stated before it looked. Nationally the severe share went from 25.1% in 2005 to 26.1% in 2024, a change of +0.9 pts. By household income the picture is a cliff: among renters in the lowest income group 93% are severely burdened in 2024; in the highest group it is 1%. Owners with a mortgage sit beside them for scale: 30.9% pay 30% or more of income in owner costs.

Did the national severe series drift, or did it move and stay moved? A changepoint search with a penalty fixed before the data finds 3 breaks, in 2009, 2015, 2021. The years are on the chart; the reader can decide what each one was. What the search rules out is a smooth line.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan a2850a134d98e2a1. burdened and severely burdened renters over renters with a computed share; PELT with a BIC penalty on the national series; block bootstrap over metros, 400 replicates; census ratio margins per metro; no fitted parameter; the penalty and the stated line are fixed before the data; the headline is the latest release; one comparison against the stated line. The severe line has its interior test on the data page: the headline under 15%, 20% and 25% is stable. On the simulator the severe share recovers the planted distribution with a mean bias of 0.00 pts, and the changepoint search lands within a year of the planted step in 100% of worlds.

What the housing economist would push back on

Gross rent as a share of income is computed only for renters who reported both, and the census excludes those it could not compute; a metro where many students or retirees rent shows a high severe share that is income, not rent. The bands are left closed at thirty and fifty percent because the census publishes them that way, and a household at 29.9 percent is counted as unburdened by a line it did not choose.

The median renter is burdened in 51% of metros in 2024, so the median hides nothing; the problem is the whole distribution, with 26.5% of renters paying half or more (interval 25.7% to 27.2%). The national series moved and stayed moved in 2009, 2015, 2021.

Renter households by the share of income their rent takes, nationally by year, with the thirty and fifty percent lines

share of renters

0%20%40%60%80%100%120%2005200720092011201320152017201920222024year
  • under 30
  • 30 to 50
  • 50 and over
26.5% of renters pay half or more of income in 2024

real:acs

Every renter household in one of three bands: under thirty percent of income, thirty to fifty, fifty and over.

Chapter 4

Where builders kept pace, prices rose less

Where builders kept pace, prices rose less: 8.0% less price growth over 5 years per extra permit per hundred households (interval -14.3% to -1.7%); without the demand control the estimate is -0.4%. The estimate does not survive the window test: over 3 years 0.0%, 7 years +1.1% per window, with intervals that include zero, so this is a 5 year statement and the interior table says so.

Every metro is cut into 5 year windows from 2001 to 2025, 5 windows and 1,925 cells over 385 metros. For each cell the chart plots the building rate, permits per hundred households averaged over the window and shifted back one year so that permits lead prices, against the annual price growth of the window. The building rate runs from 0.34 at the tenth percentile cell to 2.55 at the ninetieth, around a mean of 1.28. The spec asked for permits per new household; that ratio has no value in a metro that lost households, which 68% of cells avoid, so it is published as a descriptive beside the rate (median 0.56) and the decision is logged.

With metro and window fixed effects, each extra permit per hundred households is associated with -8.0% price growth over the window (interval -14.3% to -1.7%), with domestic migration per hundred residents over the window and the two years before it in the regression as the observed demand shock. Between the tenth and the ninetieth percentile building rate that is -17.7% over a window.

Take the demand control out and the estimate is -0.4% (interval -4.6% to +3.7%). The two are published side by side because the gap between them is the size of the objection: builders build where people are arriving, and a regression that cannot see the arrivals credits the building with what the demand did. The simulator, where the elasticity is planted at -0.025, puts the controlled estimate's mean bias at +0.0026 and the uncontrolled at +0.0058; under strong demand the uncontrolled bias is +0.0078 against +0.0031 with the control. Both estimates are pulled toward zero when builders also answer the price growth they are regressed on, and the recovery table on the data page quantifies that by condition, which is why the headline is read as a lower bound in size.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan a1d050c1b22c5986. fixed effects on population weighted metro by window cells, alternating projections, two specifications; cluster robust by state, 85 clusters; non overlapping 5 year windows from 2001; permits shifted back one year; two specifications reported side by side. The window length has its interior test: the headline under windows of 3, 5 and 7 years is degenerate.

What the housing economist would push back on

Permits respond to demand: a metro builds because prices are rising, which pushes the uncontrolled estimate toward zero or past it, and the recovery study measures that bias under every condition. The migration series is one demand shock, not all of them; income growth and investor demand are not in the regression. Permits are not completions, and a permit pulled in a downturn may never become a home. The notebook keeps the specification that put the demand shock in the wrong fixed effect as a dead end. And the window matters: the 5 year estimate is the only one of the three lengths tried whose interval excludes zero, which is the kind of result a reader should hold loosely until a second decade of permits is in.

Where builders kept pace, prices rose less: 8.0% less price growth over 5 years per extra permit per hundred households (interval -14.3% to -1.7%); without the demand control the estimate is -0.4%.

Annual price growth against the building rate the year before, 5 year windows, with the fitted slope under both specifications

annual log price growth

0.0%+2.0%+4.0%+6.0%+8.0%+10.0%+12.0%+14.0%0.001.002.003.004.005.006.007.00permits per 100 households, lagged one year
a metro at the 90th percentile of building (2.55 per 100) against the 10th: -17.7% over 5 years

real:bps+fhfa

Every metro in the latest window: the building rate the year before against the price growth that followed.

Chapter 5

The least affordable metros are not the most expensive ones

The ranking changes when you hold constant what people earn there: 17 of the 20 largest metros move beyond their intervals. Less affordable than their price says: Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwater from 106 to 90; Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach from 33 to 22; Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim from 7 to 2. More affordable: St. Louis from 223 to 307; Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington from 114 to 195; Washington-Arlington-Alexandria from 25 to 102.

Rank the 382 metropolitan areas by the price of the median home in 2024 and you get the ranking every list publishes. The three most expensive are San Jose-Sunnyvale-Santa Clara; San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont; Santa Cruz-Watsonville; the three cheapest are Charleston; Weirton-Steubenville; Johnstown. 142 micropolitan areas are in the warehouse and the explorer but not in this ranking, because the one year census release covers only the largest of them and a ranking with holes in it is not a ranking.

Now rank the same metros by the payment on that home as a share of what the median household there earns, and carry the census margins of error through 10,000 Monte Carlo draws so that every rank has an interval. The three least affordable are Kahului-Wailuku; Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim; Santa Cruz-Watsonville; the three most affordable are Charleston; Enid; Johnstown. The least affordable metro, Kahului-Wailuku, HI, asks 75.5% of the median income (interval 69.7% to 81.7%); the most affordable, Johnstown, PA, asks 16.1%. The rank correlation between the two rankings is 0.94, the mean rank change is 29.1 places and the largest is 171, for Lexington Park, MD, from 72 by price to 243 by payment share. Among the 20 largest metros, 17 move beyond their rank interval. A third measure, the share of local households whose income clears the payment on the median home at the 30% line, runs from 11% to 75% across the metros with a median of 53%.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan e23fc6df73f96272. payment share at the local median income; affordable share by bracket interpolation; 10000 Monte Carlo draws over the income and anchor value margins, index held fixed; descriptive, latest census year; one ranking; movers judged by their rank interval. On the simulator, where the true affordability ranking is known and the expensive metros were given the high incomes on purpose, the adjusted ranking's rank correlation with the truth is 0.956 against 0.890 for the price ranking, and the bracket interpolation's mean absolute error against the exact affordable share is 0.4 pts.

What the housing economist would push back on

The median income is not the buyer income: in a metro where buyers earn twice the median, the payment share of the median household overstates what the people who actually buy face, and chapter 6 measures that ratio from the loans. The index has no margin, so the interval understates what a thin market's index carries. Metros that lost their one year census coverage drop out of the ranking in that year rather than being carried.

The ranking changes when you hold constant what people earn there: 17 of the 20 largest metros move beyond their intervals. Less affordable than their price says: Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwater from 106 to 90; Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach from 33 to 22; Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim from 7 to 2. More affordable: St. Louis from 223 to 307; Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington from 114 to 195; Washington-Arlington-Alexandria from 25 to 102.

The 20 largest metros ranked by the price of the median home and by the payment share of local income, 2024

Ranked by priceRanked by payment share of local income7. Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim6. San Diego-Chula Vista-Carlsbad2. San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont18. New York-Newark-Jersey City33. Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach15. Seattle-Tacoma-Bellevue29. Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario16. Boston-Cambridge-Newton23. Denver-Aurora-Centennial58. Phoenix-Mesa-Chandler106. Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwater25. Washington-Arlington-Alexandria96. Atlanta-Sandy Springs-Roswell104. Philadelphia-Camden-Wilmington113. Dallas-Fort Worth-Arlington131. Chicago-Naperville-Elgin114. Minneapolis-St. Paul-Bloomington174. Houston-Pasadena-The Woodlands204. Detroit-Warren-Dearborn223. St. Louis
17 of 20 move beyond their rank interval; rank correlation 0.94

real:fhfa+acs+pmms

The twenty largest metros ranked by the price of the median home.

Chapter 6

Who still buys

The buyer is richer than in 2019 by +0.15 of the local median income (interval +0.12 to +0.19) and, against the claim, slightly younger: the under 35 share rose +1.2 pts (interval +0.1 pts to +2.3 pts) by 2025. The ratio moved most in Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim +0.44; Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach +0.37; New York-Newark-Jersey City +0.30.

The loans say who got a mortgage. From the purchase subset of the mortgage disclosure extract, 3,533,474 originations across 5,029 lenders in 2019 and 2,722,577 across 4,341 in 2025, the median purchase borrower earned 1.23x the median household income of the metro in 2019 and 1.39x in 2025, a move of +0.15 (interval +0.12 to +0.19, resampling lenders). The share of buyers earning more than twice the local median went from 20.9% to 26.7%, +5.8 pts. The ratio moved most in Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim, +0.44, and 17 of the 20 largest metros moved beyond their intervals.

Age is the other half of the question. Buyers under thirty five were 38.3% of purchase borrowers with a reported age in 2019 and 39.4% in 2025, a move of +1.2 pts (interval +0.1 pts to +2.3 pts). The median property value to borrower income went from 3.38x to 3.38x, and the rate spread over the benchmark sat at 0.19% for the median loan, from -0.69% to 1.06% across the deciles. Denials are not in this chapter: fair lending is a different build with a different standard of evidence, and the race and ethnicity fields were not loaded.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan 5714fb93ae481cb1. weighted medians over five thousand dollar income bins per lender; shares as ratios of sums; bootstrap over lenders within year, 400 replicates; base year 2019; reported on 2025; two differences on their own intervals. Incomes arrive in thousands and values at the midpoints of their reporting bins; the rounding rules are part of the extract contract on the buyers page. On the simulator, where the shift in the buyer pool is planted, the ratio shift recovers with a mean bias of -0.001 and the under thirty five shift with -0.02 pts.

What the housing economist would push back on

The HMDA income is the income the lender used, not the household's; a co-borrower or a self employed buyer is reported differently by different lenders, which is why the interval resamples lenders. The ratio compares buyers with the metro median household in the nearest census year, and the census has no 2020 release, so 2020 loans are compared with 2019 incomes. The purchase subset leaves out buyers who paid cash, who are the richest buyers of all.

The buyer is richer than in 2019 by +0.15 of the local median income (interval +0.12 to +0.19) and, against the claim, slightly younger: the under 35 share rose +1.2 pts (interval +0.1 pts to +2.3 pts) by 2025. The ratio moved most in Los Angeles-Long Beach-Anaheim +0.44; Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach +0.37; New York-Newark-Jersey City +0.30.

Purchase borrower income over the local median, and the share of buyers under 35, by year, with lender bootstrap intervals

Borrower income over the metro median

ratio

1.20x1.25x1.30x1.35x1.40x1.45x2,0182,0192,0202,0212,0222,0232,0242,025yearincome ratio

Buyers under 35

share of purchase loans

37%38%39%40%41%42%2,0182,0192,0202,0212,0222,0232,0242,025yearunder 35
income ratio 1.23x in 2019, 1.39x in 2025

real:hmda+acs

The median purchase borrower earns this multiple of the local median household income.

Chapter 7

The migration shock

The metros that gained people were already lagging before the pandemic: the placebo on the years before it is -0.8% (interval -1.4% to -0.2%), so the headline of +1.5% price growth over the window per person gained per hundred residents beyond the pre pandemic pace is a lower bound on what the migration itself did.

In 2020 and 2021 people moved. The shock this chapter measures is domestic migration per hundred residents over those two years less the same measure over 2018 and 2019, so that a metro which gained people every year is not credited with a pandemic it did not have. Across 385 metros the shock runs from -1.11 at the tenth percentile to +1.21 at the ninetieth. Against it the chart plots price growth from 2019Q4 to 2021Q4, which averaged 22.2%. The slope is +1.48% per person gained per hundred residents (interval +0.40% to +2.55%), which between the tenth and the ninetieth percentile metro is +3.4% of price growth. The regression a reader would run first, growth on the pandemic migration level alone with no control, gives +2.41% (interval +1.87% to +2.95%); it is on the shocks page because the simulator shows what the control removes.

The objection is that the metros that gained people were already on a different path. The placebo asks the same question of the years before the pandemic: growth from 2016Q4 to 2018Q4 on the same shock, with the migration of those years as its control. It is -0.78% (interval -1.35% to -0.20%). The message rule reads the two intervals together and has a branch for every outcome, including the one where the placebo moves.

For the 3 metros with the largest shocks, Panama City-Panama City Beach; Amherst Town-Northampton; Fairbanks-College, a synthetic control is built from the metros whose shock was small, with every donor searched and then treated in turn as a placebo. Panama City-Panama City Beach, FL ran +9.4% above its synthetic twin at the peak and -2.0% in the latest quarter, with a permutation p value of 0.829 over 192 donors; Amherst Town-Northampton, MA ran +1.5% at the peak and +0.9% now (0.725); Fairbanks-College, AK ran +0.5% and -6.0% (0.254). The gap after the shock window is the reversal, or its absence, and the chart shows it rather than naming it.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan b2cbe5f6a4559c90. cross section of metros on the migration shock with the pre pandemic migration as a control, one observation per metro, state clusters; synthetic control on the simplex with every donor searched; cluster robust by state, 85 clusters; permutation p values over 192 donors; window 2019Q4 to 2021Q4; placebo 2016Q4 to 2018Q4; headline and placebo reported separately. On the simulator the controlled estimate recovers the planted response with a mean bias of -0.02% and 98% coverage; the regression on the level alone carries a bias of -0.30% with no reverse causality and -0.51% under strong reverse causality; and the placebo flags the strong reverse causality condition in 46% of worlds against 6% when there is none. That last pair is the power of the test, and it is the limit this chapter admits in print.

What the housing economist would push back on

Migration follows affordability: people move to the metros they can afford, and a metro that was already cheap for its incomes was already on a different price path. On the simulator the regression on the migration level alone carries that bias and the pre pandemic control removes most of it, but the simulator's households move for one reason with one lag, and the placebo flags the planted reverse causality only part of the time; that is the limit this chapter admits in print. The population estimates count domestic migration from July to June, so the migration years and the price window overlap by two quarters and not four. Remote work moved demand without moving many people, and that part is not in the migration series.

The metros that gained people were already lagging before the pandemic: the placebo on the years before it is -0.8% (interval -1.4% to -0.2%), so the headline of +1.5% price growth over the window per person gained per hundred residents beyond the pre pandemic pace is a lower bound on what the migration itself did.

Price growth 2019Q4 to 2021Q4 against the migration shock per hundred residents (over 2020 and 2021 less 2018 and 2019), with the placebo window beside it

Price growth against the migration shock

log price growth over the window

0%+10%+20%+30%+40%+50%-10.0-5.00.0+5.0+10.0migration shock per 100 residents
  • metro
  • slope
placebo -0.78% against headline +1.48% per person per hundred

real:popest+fhfa

Every metro: the pandemic migration shock per hundred residents against price growth over the window.

Chapter 8

The reader decision

Buying beats renting only after 10.0 years in the typical metro (interval 1.0 years to beyond 30 years), and one point of rate moves the breakeven by +4.5 years. Longest to break even among the largest metros: Boston-Cambridge-Newton 21 years; Chicago-Naperville-Elgin 20 years; San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont 18 years.

Everything above is about places. This chapter is about a household. At the 30% line, 10% down and the latest quarterly rate of 6.72%, the median household can afford the median home in 221 of 382 metros (58%); across metros the affordable price sits a median of +$21,570 from the median home, and a median of 53% of local households clear the payment on it. A renter at the renter median income saving 10% of income needs 6.4 years to reach the down payment in the typical metro and 16.8 years in Kahului-Wailuku, HI. The chart draws the rent or buy question for New York-Newark-Jersey City, NY-NJ: the cumulative cost of owning net of the equity built, less the cumulative cost of renting with the down payment invested instead, year by year to a 30 year horizon. Where the curve crosses zero is the breakeven; here it is beyond 30 years.

The paths behind the curve are not a forecast. Appreciation and rent growth are drawn in blocks of three years from the metro's own history, 400 paths per metro, and the band is the spread of those paths. Across the metros with enough history, 382 of them, the owner weighted median breakeven is 10.0 years (interval 1.0 years to beyond 30 years), and in 4% of paths owning does not catch up inside the horizon at all. One point of rate moves the median breakeven by +4.5 years. The quickest breakevens among the largest metros are Miami-Fort Lauderdale-West Palm Beach (3 years), Riverside-San Bernardino-Ontario (3 years) and Tampa-St. Petersburg-Clearwater (3 years); the slowest are Boston-Cambridge-Newton (21 years), Chicago-Naperville-Elgin (20 years) and San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont (18 years). The planner page runs the same arithmetic for any metro, income, rate, down payment and horizon, through the live API, and logs the check so that the next quarter of prices and rates can grade it.

Method note: plan hash, estimator, split, interval, recovery

Plan 10988e362f89ee23. closed form payment arithmetic; bracket interpolation; breakeven under the cost model on bootstrap paths; block bootstrap, blocks of 3 years, 400 paths per metro; paths from each metro's own history; reported in 2024 at the latest quarterly rate; one headline. Three operating points have their interior tests on the data page: the line (25%, 28%, 30% and 35%) is degenerate, the down payment (5%, 10% and 20%) is stable, and the saving rate (5%, 10% and 15%) is printed beside them. On the simulator the breakeven is graded as late arriving truth: the estimate made from the history to a stated year against the breakeven the realised path produced, with a mean error of 4.42 years and 70% interval coverage; the simulated decade after the estimate held a boom the history did not, which is the caveat on every breakeven here.

What the housing economist would push back on

A payment is not the whole cost of owning: the cost model adds taxes, insurance, maintenance and the costs of buying and selling, but not the roof that fails in year four, and it credits the renter with a return the renter has to earn. The paths are drawn from the metro's own past, which includes a decade nobody expects to repeat, and the interval is the spread of those paths, not a forecast. The down payment years assume a renter who saves a tenth of income with no help and no return, which is the simplest honest reading of the question. The 30% line is doing work: at 28%, the sensitivity line, the median household can afford the median home in 191 of the 382 metros rather than 221, and the majority reading goes with the line.

Buying beats renting only after 10.0 years in the typical metro (interval 1.0 years to beyond 30 years), and one point of rate moves the breakeven by +4.5 years. Longest to break even among the largest metros: Boston-Cambridge-Newton 21 years; Chicago-Naperville-Elgin 20 years; San Francisco-Oakland-Fremont 18 years.

Renter wealth less owner equity by horizon for the largest metro at 6.72%, with the breakeven marked and its interval across metros

dollars, positive means renting is ahead

interval across metros$0+$200,000+$400,000+$600,000+$800,000+$1,000,00051015202530years of ownershipowning catches updifference
median breakeven 10.0 years; the median household can afford the median home in 221 of 382 metros

real:fhfa+acs+pmms

Each year, what the renter holds less what the owner would net on selling, under the median path for the largest metro.

Corrections

No published number has been corrected since the first release. Corrections will appear here, dated, with what the earlier version said, what it says now, and why.

How this was built

Prices from the regulator index for every metropolitan area it covers from 1975 to 2026Q2, incomes, rents and tenure from every one year census release from 2005 to 2024 with the 2020 release carried as a gap, weekly mortgage rates, permits, population with its components, and 55,817,457 mortgage originations from 2018 to 2025 went through 27 named quarantine rules into a dbt warehouse whose metric layer defines each number once and reconciles it at 4 grains. Each chapter's plan was hashed before its estimate touched a real metro, and each estimator was first run on a simulated country of 60 metros where the answer is known, over 24 conditions and 20 seeds each. The story, the briefing, the site and the workbook all render from one manifest, so a number here is the number everywhere.

The method appendix, the definitions, the warehouse and the recovery study are on the data page, the calculator is on the planner page, and every chart's SQL is one click from the chart.